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The 2024 Presidential Election- The LONG General Election


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1 hour ago, Archy1221 said:

If you were wanting to challenge an election process, like a state changing election law during an election year without going through the legislature to do so as an example, why in the world would you wait to challenge that until the election is over???

 

and here is the full quote

 

 

 

 

You mean the idiotic ballot harvesting issue that has been debunked constantly over the past year but republicans just can't accept that?

Ok.....

 

No...this is just along the same lines of what Trump has done.  Seed questions around the election first....so then when you lose, your worshipers will all be upset and not believe that you actually lost.  TRUMP LOST!!!!!  And....if Democrats win again in 2024....IT WILL BE A LEGITIMATE ELECTION!!!!

 

This whole discussion around this is getting so old.  Republicans just can't fathom that the majority of Americans don't like them so they come up with all these theories on how elections are being stolen from them.

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5 hours ago, Scarlet said:

I know....perish the thought but you don't have Trump listed 

Well that was a Freudian slip up if there ever was one.  Maybe my psychological aversion :blink: :ahhhhhhhhof having him as president caused me to block the possibility out of my mind:bang:facepalm:.   He is now added in place of Gov Youngkin who hasn't announced.  I'll keep Newsom in there just to give the Dem leaning voters  more options.:B) 

3 hours ago, BigRedBuster said:

:clap

 

 

Good for him.  I bet the gal still votes trump. 

  • TBH 1
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Good OPED by Peggy Noonan -  Trump's Waterloo is coming

 

 

 

https://www.wsj.com/articles/may-trump-soon-reach-his-waterloo-race-election-president-2024-candidate-campaign-97310a7f

 

Quote

 

The first primaries are just more than six months away, the first GOP debate is next month, and yet the only thing to be sure of is that clear and consistent majorities of Republicans, Democrats and independents don’t want the choice they’re likely to get, a race between Joe Biden and Donald Trump. It has a depressing effect on political talk. If either party were daring and serious about history, it would shake off its front-runner and increase its chances of winning in 2024. It feels weird that, politics being the cold business it is, neither is making this pragmatic decision.

Democrats are stopped by their fear of the apparatus of presidential power. They’re afraid to push against the big, inert, tentacled power blob that is the presidency. They fear they can’t raise money in such circumstances; they fear unsettling things—better the devil you know—and fear that a challenge to Biden-Harris will be interpreted by a major part of their base as a move against the multiracial first female vice president. They fear their party isn’t organized enough, in a way isn’t real enough, to execute an unexpected national primary race.

If Mr. Biden had more imagination than hunger, he’d apprehend his position and move boldly: “After long thought, I judge that I have done the job set for me by history: I removed Donald Trump and saw to the ravages of the pandemic. I now throw open the gates and say to my party: Go pick a president. You did all right last time, you’ll do fine this time too.” What a hero he’d be—impressive to his foes, moving to his friends. History would treat him kindly too: “Not since George Washington . . .” But he has more hunger than imagination.

Many Republicans, the polls say, are also having trouble letting go.

This weekend I reread Paul Johnson’s “Napoleon,” which came out in 2002, part of his series of brief lives. Johnson paints his subject as genius and devil and spends time on his political unscrupulousness: “French rule was corrupt and rapacious.” In conquered nations France took everything not nailed down, especially art, which would go to the Louvre for the convenience of the world. At birth, nature gave Napoleon great gifts but “denied him things that most people, however humble, take for granted—the ability to distinguish between truth and falsehood, or right and wrong.” He was a mountebank who hid his “small feminine hand” inside his waistcoat and lavished his person with cologne.

 

 

 

After discussing the Napolean political cult, she cuts to the now in the quote below: 

Quote

 

Back to now. Chris Christie could easily defeat Joe Biden. So could several of the GOP candidates now in the field. Donald Trump wouldn’t, for one big reason: His special superpower is that he is the only Republican who will unite and rally the Democratic base and drive independents away. He keeps the Biden coalition together.

A sad thing is that many bright Trump supporters sense this, and the case against him, but can’t concede it and break from him, in some cases because they fear him and his friends. They don’t want to be a target, they don’t want to be outside the in-group, they want to be safely inside. They curry favor.

This weekend at a party, one of Mr. Trump’s New York supporters, a former officeholder, quickly made his way to me to speak of his hero. He referred to the Abraham Accords and the economy and said: “Surely you can admit he was a good president.”

He was all wound up, so I spoke slowly. “I will tell you what he is: He is a bad man. I know it, and if I were a less courteous person I would say that you know it, too.”

He was startled, didn’t reply, and literally took a step back. Because, I think, he does know it. But doesn’t ever expect it to be said.

A journalist in our cluster said, musingly, “That was an excellent example of apophasis,” the rhetorical device of saying something by saying you’re not going to say it.

We all moved on, but that was the authentic sound of a certain political dialogue. “Surely you can admit he made France great again.” “He is a bad man.” Its antecedents stretch back in history.

Political cults are never good, often rise, always pass. May it this time come sooner rather than later.

 

 

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